By Sally Vazquez-Castellanos
Revised on September 27, 2025 at 7:37 pm.
As I often do when something troubles me these days, I open a dialogue with ChatGPT…
The following was taken from a previously published conversation with my ChatGPT about trauma-informed practice in the legal profession and its related systems.
Please keep in mind that I have staunchly advocated for the recognition of subtle harms that are found in algorithms and targeted ads often displayed to children and vulnerable adults in the digital age.
It really can be as simple (or as complicated) as understanding just how difficult it may be for a child with a complexion problem to have to walk up to store personnel at CVS to ask for a tube of Clearasil. If you think that’s funny, try living life as a child who is impoverished or challenged in some way, then perhaps you might understand why this is a crisis that leaves some children vulnerable to being influenced by the wrong people. Sadly, many of these kids are bombarded with all kinds of messaging on their smartphones, which may include nasty behavior from individuals who abuse the privilege of being on social media platforms.
When we consider bias, racism, sexism, discriminatory and disparate treatment and practices institutionalized in American systems, the legal system as a whole is confronting how to deal with these societal harms that are increasingly becoming much more subtle in an age of technological dominance. I do think it’s important to note that bad people exist everywhere, including our digital spaces.
Just as digital platforms can be misused to cause quiet but devastating reputational harm through implication, curated messaging, or indirect targeting, so too can harm within family systems occur through subtle forms of control, manipulation, and intimidation—often without immediate physical evidence.
In the context of family law and child custody and conservatorship proceedings, this form of abuse may be referred to as “coercive control”—a pattern of psychological, emotional, and sometimes economic manipulation used to dominate or isolate a partner or child. It is insidious precisely because it often evades the traditional markers of harm that courts are trained to recognize. When courts lack sufficient training in trauma-informed practices, child sexual abuse dynamics, and non-physical forms of abuse, the result is often the minimization or outright dismissal of credible concerns raised by protective parents.
The parallel is clear: when institutions are not adequately prepared to recognize subtle, systemic harm, they may unintentionally legitimize or perpetuate it. In the media space, this results in public targeting masked as content; in the courtroom, it may result in placing children with abusive parents or penalizing the protective parent for “alienation” rather than identifying the underlying abuse.
Judicial reform must include mandatory education for judges and court personnel on coercive control, trauma responses, and the complex dynamics of abuse—especially as they present in contested custody cases. Understanding that harm is not always loud, visible, or immediate is essential to ensuring that justice is truly protective, particularly for children and survivors.
Just as we must be vigilant in digital spaces against subtle but coordinated reputational harm, we must bring that same level of vigilance into our courts—to recognize that harm can be quiet, strategic, and deeply destructive. Training and reform are not optional; they are critical for the safety and well-being of the families our courts are entrusted to serve.
Legal Disclaimer
This blog post is for informational purposes only and does not constitute legal advice. Reading this article does not create an attorney-client relationship. For advice about your specific legal matter, please consult a qualified attorney.


About the Author
Sally Castellanos is a California attorney and the Author of It’s Personal and Perspectives, a legal blog exploring innovation, technology, and global privacy through the lens of law, ethics, and civil society.
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